Spanish  Seamen  in  the  New  World 
During  the  Colonial  Period 


By 

PAUL  S.  TAYLOR 


Reprinted  from  The  Hispanic  American  Historical  Review, 
Vol.  V,  No.  4,  November,  1922 


Reprinted  from  THB  HISPANIC  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW, 
Vol.  V,  No.  4,  November,  1922 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  DURING 
THE  COLONIAL  PERIOD 

THE    LEGAL   STATUS   OF   SPANISH   SEAMEN 

The  Spanish  mariners  of  the  New  World  were  governed  by  the 
laws  of  the  Indies.  Their  conditions  of  service  were  perhaps 
more  vitally  affected  by  the  manner  in  which  masters  of  ships 
saw  fit  to  exercise  (or  exceed)  their  authority.  But  beneath 
both  enactments  and  arbitrary  authority  lay  the  Consulado  del 
Mare,  the  maritime  law  at  the  basis  of  all  legal  relationships  of 
the  sea,  just  as  the  Common  Law  is  at  the  basis  of  all  our  legal 
relationships  on  land.  For  this  reason,  an  analysis  of  the  cus- 
toms of  the  sea,  as  contained  in  the  Consulado  del  Mare,  is 
especially  valuable  as  furnishing  a  background  for  a  sketch  of 
the  conditions  of  life  among  seamen  of  the  colonial  period. 

The  Consulado  del  Mare  furnished  the  laws  used  by  practically 
all  the  Consulados  of  Spain,  which  for  three  or  four  centuries 
were  accepted  as  authority  throughout  the  Mediterranean  area. 
It  also  furnished  the  basis  of  the  laws  of  Oleron  of  about  the  same 
period.  The  Consulado  del  Mare  was  compiled  at  Barcelona,  in 
all  probability,  according  to  an  eminent  authority,  "by  the  scribe 
of  the  Consular  Court  for  the  use  of  the  Consuls  of  the  Sea."1 
The  exact  date  of  its  origin  is  a  subject  of  some  disagreement. 
Perhaps  the  more  general  opinion  is  that  the  laws  were  compiled 
during  the  thirteenth  century.  This  is  the  view  of  such  men  as 
Capmany,  Vinino,  and  Meyer.2  Twiss,  writing  at  a  later  date 

1  Sir  Travers  Twiss,  ed.,  Monumenta  juridica    .    .     .     .     The  Black  Book 
of  the  Admiralty,  4  vols.  (London,   1871-1876.    III.  Ixxxix.    Hereafter  cited  as, 
Black  book. 

2  Antonio  de  Capmany  y  de  Montpalou,  Memorias  historicas  sobre  la  marina, 
comer  do  y  artes  de  la  antigua  cuidad  de  Barcelona,  4  vols.  (Madrid,   1779-1792.) 
I.  part  II.  175.    Also  see  Charles  Solomon  Mitrani,  "The  Rise  of  the  Spanish 
Consulados    .     .     .    Berkeley,  1917"  (unpublished  manuscript  in  the  University 
of  California  Library). 

631 


632  THE  HISPANIC  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

(1874),  states  that  he  "considers  the  assumption  to  be  well 
founded  that  the  Customs  of  the  Sea  in  the  form  in  which  they 
have  come  down  to  us  in  the  Book  of  the  Consulate  of  1494  were 
not  compiled  until  some  time  after  1340  A.D."3  But  regardless 
of  the  exact  date  of  origin,  it  is  known  that  the  Consulado  del 
Mare  was  the  recognized  maritime  law  of  the  South  European 
countries  for  several  centuries. 

The  Consulado  mentions  six  modes  of  hiring  mariners:  (1) 
for  the  agreed  voyage  at  a  lump  sum;  (2)  by  the  month;  (3)  by 
the  mile;  (4)  at  the  discretion  of  the  managing  owner;  (5)  for  a 
share  in  the  freight;  (6)  for  the  right  to  load  goods  on  their  own 
account.4  The  contract  of  hiring  was  entered  into  when  the 
mariner's  name  was  entered  on  the  ship's  register,  or  he  had 
shaken  hands  with  the  managing  owner,  a  ceremony  as  binding 
as  if  they  had  gone  before  a  notary.5  In  addition,  an  oath  of 
loyalty  was  required  from  mariners  and  all  who  received  wages 
aboard  ship.6  Once  the  contract  was  made,  the  mariner  could 
go  nowhere  except  with  the  consent  of  the  managing  owner.7 
And  the  managing  owner,  on  his  part,  could  not  dismiss  the 
mariner  unless  it  was  upon  one  of  four  conditions:  (1)  robbery; 
(2)  quarreling;  (3)  disobedience,  and  then  only  upon  the  fifth 
occasion;  or  (4)  breach  of  oath.8 

The  mariner's  duties  comprised  anything  he  might  be  ordered 
to  do  about  the  ship  and  its  navigation.  In  the  words  of  the 
Consulado, 

.  .  .  the  mariner  is  bound  in  all  things  which  pertain  to  the  ship, 
to  go  to  the  forest  and  fetch  wood,  to  saw  and  to  make  planks,  to  make 
spars  and  ropes,  to  bake,  to  man  the  boat  with  the  boatswain,  to  stow 

*  Black  book,  II.lxv. 
*Ibid.,  III.  191,  note  1. 

6  "Coustumes  de  la  Ville  de  Barcelone  concernant  la  Marine  et  diverses  Ordon- 
nances  des  Hois  d'Aragofl  en  langue  Catalane  [Consulado  del  Mare]."  Original 
text  and  translation  in  Black  book,  III.  50-657.  Ch.  cix.  in,  Black  book  III.  217. 
(Chapter  citations  refer  to  both  texts ;  page  citations  in  the  Black  book  are  given 
only  for  the  English  translation.  The  original  text  may  be  found  on  the 
opposite  page.) 

6  Ibid.,  Ch.  xvi.  in  Black  book,  III.  89. 

7  Ibid.,  Ch.  cix.  in  Black  book,  III.  217. 

•  Ibid.,  Ch.  Ixxx.  in  Black  book,  III.  187. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN   THE  NEW  WORLD  633 

goods  and  to  unstow  them;  and  at  every  hour  when  the  mate  shall 
order  him  to  go  and  fetch  spars  and  ropes,  to  carry  planks,  and  to  put 
on  board  all  the  victuals  of  the  merchants,  to  heave  the  vessel  over, 
to  go  and  fetch  spars  and  ropes,  to  carry  planks,  and  to  aid  to  repair 
the  vessel,  and  he  is  bound  to  do  everything  to  improve  the  condition 
of  the  ship  and  of  all  which  belongs  to  the  ship  whilst  he  shall  be  en- 
gaged to  the  ship.9 

A  passage  rather  curious  from  our  viewpoint,  but  not  from 
the  mariner's,  attests  the  fact  that  he  was  never  free  from  duty 
for  very  long  intervals: 

A  mariner  ought  not  to  undress  himself  if  he  is  not  in  a  port  for 
wintering.  And  if  he  does  so,  for  each  time  he  ought  to  be  plunged 
into  the  sea  with  a  rope  from  the  yard  arm  three  times;  and  after  three 
times  offending,  he  ought  to  lose  his  salary  and  the  goods  which  he  has 
in  the  ship.10 

In  those  days,  vessels  were  not  always  accustomed  to  draw  up 
alongside  of  wharves,  so  the  mariner  must  be  willing  to  step  into 
the  water  himself  and  carry  the  passengers  ashore  upon  his 
back;  and  if  he  was  not  willing,  he  was  bound  to  reimburse  the 
passenger  any  loss  he  might  incur.11 

In  general,  freight  was  the  mother  of  wages.  But  the  mariner 
was  safeguarded  against  loss  through  unprofitable  voyages, 
for  the  Consulado  held  that  in  the  last  resort,  the  ship  was  liable 
for  wages,  even  to  the  extent  of  selling  the  vessel.12  One  source 
of  mariners  is  indicated  by  the  following  passage  concerning 
wages : 

.  .  .  the  managing  owner  may  not  dimmish  the  wages  of  any 
one.  And  if  a  man  is  worth  more  than  the  managing  owner  believed 
at  the  commencement,  he  ought  to  increase  his  wages;  for  many  men 
desire  to  leave  a  country,  because  they  are  not  sufficiently  appreciated, 
and  in  order  to  get  away  from  it,  sell  their  personal  services  at  a  cheap 
price.13 

»  Ibid.,  Ch.  ex.  in  Black  book,  III.  219. 

10  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxxv.  in  Black  book,  III.  233.     "Ought"  should  generally  have  been 
translated  as  "must." 

11  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxxxi.  in  Black  book,  III.  235. 

12  Ibid.,  Ch.  xciii.  in  Black  book,  III.  199. 
"  Ibid.,  Ch.  cv.  in  Black  book,  III.  215. 


634  THE   HISPANIC  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

But  evidently  all  mariners  were  not  so  eager  to  escape  from  the 
country  that  they  were  willing  to  take  low  wages.  For  it  is  also 
provided  as  follows: 

Here  let  us  suppose  that  the  managing  owner  of  a  ship  agrees  with 
a  mariner,  be  he  bad  or  good,  skilful  or  unskilful,  he  has  to  pay  him  his 
wages,  nevertheless  under  this  condition,  that  if  the  mariner  has  repre- 
sented himself  to  be  a  caulker  or  a  carpenter  or  a  mate,  and  the  manag- 
ing owner  has  hired  him  upon  that  reliance,  if  the  mariner  knows  noth- 
ing, the  managing  owner  of  the  ship  or  vessel  is  not  bound  to  give  him 
anything  beyond  what  the  mate  and  the  ship's  clerk  adjudge  upon 
their  oath  that  he  ought  to  have.14 

A  mariner  who  shipped  for  wages  by  the  mile  was  bound  to 
go  wherever  the  ship  went,  even  "to  the  end  of  the  world".  But 
if  he  signed  for  a  voyage,  then  he  was  bound  only  for  the  partic- 
ular voyage  agreed  upon.  And  if  the  vessel  should  be  sold 
before  returning,  it  was  the  duty  of  the  owner  to  provide  him 
with  a  ship  to  return  to  his  home  port.15 

A  customary  scale  of  rations,  enumerated  in  considerable 
detail,  is  called  for  by  the  Consulado: 

.  .  .  the  managing  owner  of  a  ship  or  vessel,  which  is  decked, 
ought  to  give  to  eat  to  the  mariners  on  three  days  a  week  flesh-meat, 
that  is  to  say  on  Sundays,  Tuesdays,  and  Thursdays,  and  on  the  other 
days  of  the  week  porridge,  and  every  evening  of  every  day  accompani- 
ment with  bread,  and  also  on  the  same  three  days  in  the  morning  he 
ought  to  give  them  wine,  and  also  he  ought  to  give  them  the  same  quan- 
tity of  wine  every  evening.  And  the  accompaniment  of  the  bread 
ought  to  be  such  as  follows,  that  is,  cheese  or  onions  or  sardines  or 
some  other  fish.  .  .  .  Further  the  managing  owner  of  the  ship 
or  vessel  is  bound  to  double  the  ration  of  the  mariners  upon  the  solemn 
feast  days.  Further,  he  ought  to  have  servants  to  prepare  the  food 
for  the  mariners.16 

Compared"  to  the  sea  code  of  the  Hanse  Towns  (which  autho- 
rized branding  on  the  forehead),  the  penalty  for  desertion  stipu- 

14  Ibid.,  Ch.  Ixxix.  in  Black  book,  III.  187. 

15  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxvi.  in  Black  book,  III.  225. 
18  Ibid.,  Ch.  c.  in  Black  book,  III.  211,  213. 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  635 

lated  in  the  Consulado  was  mild.  The  mariner  was  bound  to 
make  compensation  to  the  owner  for  all  losses  incurred  as  a 
result  of  the  desertion,  and  in  case  he  was  unable  to  do  so,  he 
could  be  imprisoned  until  such  time  as  he  was  able  to  pay.17 
And  mariners  who  took  away  a  ship  without  the  consent  of  the 
owner  were  similarly  bound  to  make  losses  good,  and  could  be 
imprisoned,  and  a  demand  made  against  them,  "just  as  against 
persons  who  renounce  their  lord  and  dispossess  him  of  his 
authority." 

Discipline  aboard  ship  was  of  course  to  be  very  strictly  en- 
forced. Necessarily  much  authority  was  left  to  the  master,  and 
the  mariner  must  be  extremely  careful  in  his  conduct  towards 
him.  A  mariner  who  quarreled  with  the  managing  owner  lost 
half  his  wages  and  the  goods  he  had  in  the  ship.18  And  heavier 
penalities  were  exacted  in  proportion  to  the  gravity  of  the 
offense. 

....  And  if  he  raises  a  weapon  against  the  managing  owner,  all 
the  mariners  ought  to  seize  him  and  bind  him  and  put  him  into 
prison,  and  take  him  before  the  local  authorities,  and  those  who  will 
not  seize  him  ought  to  lose  their  goods  and  the  wages  which  they  will 
receive  or  ought  to  receive  for  the  voyage.19 

Thus  it  was  made  the  duty  of  the  crew  to  assist  actively  hi  dis- 
ciplining itself.  But  the  paragraph  of  the  Consulado  which  deals 
with  the  limits  of  the  mariners'  right  of  self  defense,  shows  most 
clearly  his  real  status  aboard  ship. 

Further,  a  mariner  is  bound  to  bear  with  the  managing  owner  of  a 
ship,  if  he  reproaches  him,  and  if  he  runs  to  attack  him  the  mariner 
ought  to  run  away  to  the  bow  of  the  ship  and  place  himself  by  the  side 
of  the  chain.  And  if  the  managing  owner  passes  the  chain,  he  ought  to 
run  away  to  the  other  side,  and  if  the  managing  owner  passes  to  the 
other  side,  he  may  defend  himself,  calling  persons  to  witness  how  the 
managing  owner  ought  not  to  pass  the  chain.20 

17  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxiii.  in  Black  book,  III.  221. 

18  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxviii.  in  Black  book,  III.  227,  229. 
"Ibid. 

"  Ibid.,  Ch.  cxx.  in  Black  book,  III.  229. 


636  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE   SEAMEN   OF  THE   EXPLORERS 

i 

Spanish  navigators  explored  the  west  coast  of  America  from 
the  Horn  to  Alaska,  and  across  the  Pacific  to  the  Orient.  Their 
ships  were  manned  by  rough,  hardy  seamen  who  underwent  un- 
told hardship  and  suffering  from  unremitting  battle  with  wind 
and  wave,  cold,  exposure,  starvation,  disease,  and  death. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  king  to  allow  none  but  Spanish  mariners 
in  the  New  World,  for  reasons  of  greater  secrecy  surrounding  the 
wealth  of  his  possessions.  Nevertheless,  it  was  found  necessary 
to  enlist  foreign  sailors,  especially  in  the  earlier  expeditions,  be- 
cause native  Spanish  seamen  were  lacking.  Thus  Magellan 
carried  besides  the  Spanish  among  his  crew  of  265  men,  some 
37  Portuguese,  30  or  more  Genoese  and  Italians,  19  French,  and 
others  were  Flemings,  Germans,  Sicilians,  English,  Corfiotes, 
Malays,  Negroes,  Moors,  Madierans,  Biscainers,  and  natives 
of  the  Azores  and  Canary  Islands.21  In  1565  many  Portuguese 
sailed  to  the  Philippines  with  Legazpi  and  caused  him  consider- 
able anxiety,  because  in  view  of  the  relations  between  the  two 
nations,  he  found  them  not  to  be  trusted.22  The  sailors  for  the 
later  expeditions  up  the  California  coast  were  most  probably 
all  Spaniards,  or  natives  of  the  vicinity  of  San  Bias,  as  in  the 
expedition  of  Martinez.23 

In  the  main,  the  men  seem  to  have  served  and  sacrificed  with 
great  fortitude,  if  not  always  with  obedience,  thoughts  of  glory 
or  love  of  adventure  proving  sufficient  stimulus.  Probably  on 
such  expeditions  a  sufficient  number  of  volunteers  could  be 
found,  if  not  all  Spanish,  then  of  other  nationalities.  At  least 

21  Andrea  Ca  da  Mosto,  II  primo  viaggio  intorno  al  globo  di  Antonio  Pigafetta 
(Roma,  1894),  p.  53,  note  2.  Quoted  in  translation  in  Emma  Helen  Blair,  and 
James  Alexander  Robertson,  ed.  and  transl.  The  Philippine  Islands,  1493-1898, 
55  vols.  (Cleveland,  1903-1908).  XXXIII.  279.  The  latter  work  is  cited  here- 
after as  Blair  and  Robertson. 

12  Miguel  Lopez  de  Legazpi,  Copia  de  una  Carta  que  escribio .  .  .  al  Marques 
de  Falces,  £ebu,  July  7,  1569.  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  III.  44-53. 
See  p.  53. 

2a  Estevan  Josef  Martinez,  Diary  of  the  Voyage  .  .  in  .  .  the  frigate 
Princesa  and  the  packet  San  Carlos  ...  in  the  present  year  of  1789.  Trans- 
lation by  W.  L.  Schurz,  p.  62  (unpublished  manuscript  in  the  Bancroft  Library). 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  637 

the  writer  has  found  but  one  case  of  shanghaiing  recorded — that 
of  a  man  from  the  island  of  Teneriffe  who  was  forcibly  added  to 
the  crew  by  the  order  of  Magellan.24 

The  sailors  were  a  rough  class  of  men,  intemperate  (if  the 
example  of  the  seaman  on  Bodega's  schooner  who  drank  himself 
to  death  is  at  all  typical  of  their  love  of  strong  drink),25  given  to 
excesses  when  they  went  ashore,26  commonly  afflicted  with 
venereal  diseases,27  irresponsible,  and  turbulent.  They  loved  to 
gamble  and  to  barter,  even  with  the  very  clothes  they  wore. 
When  Vizcaino  issued  out  the  extra  supply  of  clothing  at  the 
request  of  his  men,  to  protect  them  from  the  cold,  he  thought 
it  necessary  to  issue  at  the  same  time  an  edict  "to  the  effect  that 
no  one  should  gamble  or  sell  them,  under  pain  of  death.7'28  Mau- 
relle  records  that  his  men  cut  their  shirts,  trousers,  and  jackets 
into  strips,  and  bartered  these  little  rolls  or  bandages  with  the 
Indians.29  And  Governor  Fages  of  California  ordered  that  no 
bales  of  goods  should  be  opened  until  the  San  Bias  vessels  left 
port,  to  avoid  the  waste  of  clothing  in  barter  with  the  sailors.30 

Mutinies  were  of  frequent  occurrence,  especially  in  the  expedi- 
tions which  crossed  the  Pacific.  Although  seamen  took  part  in 
these  uprisings  against  authority,  they  were  often  led  by  men  of 
higher  rank,  actuated  by  motives  of  jealous  ambition,  who  found 
discontented  elements  in  the  crew  ready  to  aid  them.  Thus, 
royal  officials  led  a  mutiny  against  Magellan,  which  he  suppressed 

24  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXXIII.  289,  note  1. 

25  Francisco  Antonio  Maurelle,  Journal  of  a  voyage  in  1775    .     .    in  the  King's 
schooner,  called  the  Sonora,  and  commanded  by  Don  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bodega. 
Translation  in  Barrington,  Miscellanies    .     .     .     (London,  1781),  pp.  471-634. 
See  p.  480. 

26  Francisco  Antonio  Maurelle,  Narrative  of  an  interesting  voyage  in  the  frigate 
La  Princesa,  from  Manila  to  San  Bias  in  1780,  and  1781.    Translation  in  La 
Perouse,  A  voyage  round  the  world,  in  the  years  1785,  1786,  1787,  and  1788.    3  vols. 
(Translated  from  the  French,  1791),  I.  340-418.    See  p.  375. 

27  Martinez,  supra,  p.  58. 

28  Sebastian  Vizcaino,   Diary,   1602-1603.     Translation  in  Herbert    Eugene 
Bolton,  ed.,  Spanish  Exploration  in  the  Southwest,  1542-1706  (New  York,  1916), 
pp.  52-103.    See  p.  57. 

29  Narrative  of  an  interesting  voyage  in  the  frigate  La  Princesa,  from  Manila 
to  San  Bias  in  1780,  and  1781.    Translation  in  La  Perouse,  op.  cit.,  I.  372. 

30  Hubert   Howe    Bancroft,    Works,    39   vols.    (San   Francisco,    1882-1890), 
XVIII.    484. 


638  THE   HISPANIC  AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

by  executing  the  ringleaders.31  But  a  short  time  thereafter  a 
second  mutiny  broke  out.  The  crew  of  the  San  Antonio  put 
their  captain,  Alvaro,  in  irons,  and  after  many  difficulties  returned 
to  Spain.32  Mutinies  broke  out  in  the  expeditions  on  the  Pacific 
sent  out  by  Cortes.  One  of  the  ship's  companies  mutinied  against 
their  commander  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  and  returned  to  port.33 
Another  expedition  came  to  an  unfortunate  end  when  Ximines, 
in  1534,  killed  his  superior,  Bercerra,  and  took  command,  only 
to  be  himself  killed  soon  afterwards  by  Indians.34  In  1537  the 
explorer  Grijalva  was  killed  by  mutineers.35  The  crew  of  one 
of  the  ships  of  Loaysa,  in  the  South  Pacific,  mutinied,  throwing 
the  captain  and  his  brother  overboard.  Like  most  of  the  mutin- 
ous crews,  they  ran  into  difficulties.  The  ship  went  aground  on 
an  island  and  the  crew  were  overpowered  by  Indians.  Saavedra, 
crossing  the  Pacific  from  New  Spain,  found  them,  and  brought 
the  mutineers  to  justice.36  The  Legazpi  expedition  to  the  Philip- 
pines in  1565  also  has  its  record  of  mutinies.  On  the  first  occa- 
sion Legazpi  hanged  four  leaders,  severely  reprimanded  others, 
and  as  for  the  rest,  merely  imposed  the  order  that  no  language 
but  Spanish  be  spoken.  When  a  second  mutiny  occurred,  two 
more  were  hanged.  The  San  Geronimo,  sent  to  aid  Legazpi,  had 
similar  experiences.  The  captain  and  his  son  were  murdered  by 
mutineers;  and  two  of  the  latter  were  hanged  following  a  second, 
and  successful  counter  mutiny.37 

This  frequency  of  mutiny  no  doubt  reflected  somewhat  on  the 
severity  of  discipline  aboard  ship.  The  death  penalty  was 
inflicted  for  mutiny  and  other  crimes,  and  at  least  threatened  for 
lesser  offenses.  Bodega  seems  to  have  been  a  commander  who 
treated  his  men  with  great  consideration.  When  they  became 

81  Maximilianus  Transylvanus,  De  Molvccis  Insulis.  [Coloniae,  1523]  Trans- 
lation in  Blair  and  Robertson,  I.  305-337.  See  p.  318. 

nlbid.t  p.  319. 

83  Miguel  Venegas,  A  natural  and  civil  history  of  California  .  .  .  Trans- 
lated from  the  original  Spanish  .  .  2  vols.  (Madrid,  1758).  1.133. 

M/bV*.,  1. 135. 

56  James  Burney,  A  chronological  history  of  the  discoveries  in  the  South  Sea.  .  . 
4  vols.  (London,  1803),  I.  181. 

"Ibid.,  I.  149. 

87  Blair  and  Robertson,  II.  143,  144,  148,  149. 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  639 

discouraged  he  gave  them  small  presents,  and  in  other  ways 
stimulated  their  enthusiasm.38  He  took  all  precautions  he  was 
able  to  against  sickness  and  scurvy.  Yet  when  two  of  his  men 
voluntarily  went  among  the  Indians,  intending  to  remain,  but 
were  made  captives,  causing  Bodega  much  trouble  in  securing 
their  release,  the  commander  had  them  laid  across  cannon  and 
each  given  a  hundred  lashes,  after  which  he  put  them  in  irons.39 
It  was  considered  to  be,  and  was  made  the  duty  of  commanders 
to  punish  severely  blasphemy,  gambling,  immorality,  and  other 
sins.  Before  departing  on  the  expeditions,  sailors  were  required 
to  take  an  oath  of  loyalty  to  the  commander  that  they  would 
obey  him  and  not  mutiny,  and  they  had  to  present  a  certificate 
that  they  had  confessed  and  received  communion.40  Of  those 
who  were  enlisted  for  the  voyages,  not  only  their  name,  but  their 
father's  name  and  his  place  of  birth  were  entered  on  the  register, 
that  their  nationality  might  be  known.41 

The  explorations  were  hazardous  undertakings.  Nearly 
every  expedition  suffered  losses  from  attacks  by  Indians  when 
the  crew  went  ashore  for  food,  wood,  and  water.  The  navigation 
of  the  small  craft  required  much  labor  and  exertion  of  the  sailors, 
especially  when  storms  were  encountered,  which  was  often. 
The  schooner  Sonora  in  which  Bodega  conducted  his  exploration 
up  the  coast  in  1775  was  but  36  feet  long,  12  feet  wide,  and  8 
feet  deep,  and  carried  a  crew  of  a  pilot,  boatswain,  boatswain's 
mate,  ten  sailors,  a  cabin  boy,  and  a  servant.42  Not  all  the  vessels 

38  Maurelle,  Journal  of  voyage  in  1775,  supra.    Translation  in  Barrington, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  478,  479. 

39  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bodega  y  Quadra,  Second  voyage  to  the  latitude  of 
sixty-one  degrees  in  the  frigate  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedies,  alias  La  Favorita, 
having  a  keel  of  thirty-nine  cubits  and  a  breadth  of  beam  of  thirteen,  with  a 
draught  aft  of  fourteen  feet,  and  a  draught  forward  of  thirteen  feet.    In  the  year 
1779.     Translation  by  Herbert  I.    Priestley,  p.  28.     (Unpublished  manuscript 
in  the  possession  of  Herbert  I.  Priestley,  Berkeley,  California.) 

40  Blair  and  Robertson,  II.  61,  62,  91. 

41  Ibid.,  11.57. 

42  Bodega  y  Quadra,  First  voyage  to  the  latitude  58  degrees,  in  a  schooner 
having  a  keel  of  eighteen  cubits  and  breadth  of  beam  of  six,  manned  by  a  pilot, 
a  boatswain,  a  boatswain's  mate,  ten  sailors,  a  cabin-boy,  and  a  servant.    In  the 
year  1775.     Translation  by  Mrs.  Gertrude  Mason,  p.  1.     (Unpublished  manu- 
script in  the  possession  of  Herbert  I.  Priestley,  Berkeley,  California.) 


640  THE  HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

used  were  so  small,  yet  the  best  of  them  were  not  large,  and 
afforded  but  poor  protection  to  the  mariners.  Huge  waves 
would  come  sweeping  over  the  gunwales,  carrying  away  every- 
thing above  deck.  On  such  a  schooner  as  the  Sonora,  except 
in  a  calm,  the  sailors  could  not  perform  their  duties  on  the  ship 
without  becoming  thoroughly  wet.43  Since  they  were  used  to  a 
warmer  climate,  they  suffered  greatly  from  the  cold  of  the  north- 
ern latitudes.  Their  clothes  became  soaked  by  the  rain  and 
spray,  so  that  in  spite  of  the  extra  issue  of  clothing  provided  by 
the  king,  large  numbers  fell  sick  with  severe  colds  contracted  from 
fatigue  and  exposure.  There  were  no  conveniences  for  their 
care  and  protection,  and  few  medicines.  Consequently  many 
seamen  died,  and  the  work  of  exploration  was  hampered 
accordingly. 

The  seamen's  rations  which  Magellan  supplied  for  his  voyage 
included  wine,  olive  oil,  vinegar,  fish,  pork,  peas  and  beans, 
flour,  garlic,  cheese,  honey,  almonds,  anchovies,  raisins,  prunes, 
figs,  sugar,  quince  preserves,  capers,  mustard,  beef,  and  rice.44 
Other  Spanish  explorers  carried  similar  provisions,  though  prob- 
ably none  so  complete  a  list.  Martinez  carried  aboard  his 
frigate  to  Nootka  Sound  some  goats,  hogs,  cows  and  calves.45 
But  not  all  ships  were  so  well  supplied.  Often  the  men  were 
forced  to  go  on  short  rations.  For  instance,  Maurelle  tells  how 
he  was  obliged  to  reduce  the  allowance  to  five  ounces  of  bread, 
three  of  pork,  and  two  of  beans,  per  day;  and  many  cases  were 
far  worse  than  his.46  Even  so,  the  sailors  would  generally  have 
been  adequately  provided  for,  but  for  the  spoiling  of  the  rations 
aboard  ship.  Fresh  food  would  not  remain  fresh  long,  but  soon 
all  became  corrupted.  The  ships  were  dirty  and  swarming  with 
vermin  and  rats  which  attacked  the  rations.  On  board  Mau- 
relle's  ship  the  cockroaches  reduced  the  biscuit  to  a  powder,  and 

18  Maurelle-,  Journal  of  a  voyage  in  1775,  supra.  Translation  in  Barrington, 
op.  cit.,  p.  478. 

44  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXXIII.  278,  note  25. 

46  Martinez,  supra,  p.  157. 

8  Narrative  of  an  interesting  voyage  in  the  frigate  La  Princesa,  from 
Manila  to  San  Bias  in  1780,  and  1781.  Translation  in  La  Perouse,  op.  cit., 
I.  409. 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  641 

bored  through  the  water  casks,  letting  the  precious  water  run 
out.47  Often  the  seawater  found  its  way  into  the  provisions, 
and  further  damaged  the  food. 

Under  such  conditions  it  was  inevitable  that  disease,  princi- 
pally scurvy,  should  break  out.  Until  almost  the  end  of  the 
eighteenth  century  no  long  expedition  was  free  from  the  ravages 
of  this  disease.  Scurvy  and  cold  were  the  most  powerful  ob- 
stacles to  Spanish  navigation  of  the  Pacific.  The  death  list  was 
large,  chiefly  among  the  crew,  for  the  commanders  were  accus- 
tomed to  take  somewhat  better  provisions  for  themselves. 
Many  of  the  diaries  of  the  explorers  tell  of  being  forced  to  turn 
back  because  not  enough  well  persons  were  left  aboard  to  navi- 
gate the  ship.  Vizcaino,  with  his  men  dying  of  hunger,  dared  not 
stop  to  receive  food  from  Indians  who  offered  it,  as  he  did  not 
have  men  strong  enough  to  raise  the  anchors.48 

It  was  not  generally  known  until  Cook's  voyage  how  to  pre- 
vent scurvy  on  a  long  voyage.49  Venegas  tells  how  the  crew  of 
a  Manila  galleon  were  cured  by  eating  "pitahayas,  acid  fruits,  and 
fresh  meat".50  Vizcaino  records  in  his  diary  the  efficacy  of  a 
"small  fruit  like  agaves,  called  juicolystlis".51  Martinez  knew 
somewhat  better  how  to  combat  the  dread  disease.  His  list  of 
remedies  included  "wild  celery,  greens,  the  soft  tender  shoots  of 
the  nettle,  and  various  other  plants  whose  taste  is  similar  to  that 
of  the  radish  leaf  in  salad".52  But  none  of  them  knew  how  to 
provide  for  the  time  when  the  fresh  provisions  were  exhausted, 
so  scurvy  long  remained  tne  chief  hazard  and  cause  of  mortality 
of  Spanish  seamen. 

"Ibid.,  1.366,  367. 

4>  Diary,  1602-1603.    Translation  in  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  p.  98. 

49  "Lemon  juice  as  a  specific  against  scurvy  was  known  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years  ago,  as  is  shown  in  The  Surgeon's  Mate  or  Military  and  Domestic 
Medicine;  by  John  Woodfall,  Master  in  Surgery;  London,  1636;  and  was  first 
introduced  into  nautical  diet  in  1795,  through  the  efforts  of  Drs.  Blair  and  Gilbert 
Blane,  Commissioners  of  the  Board  for  sick  and  Wounded  Seamen."  Frank  W. 
Reilly,  "American  commerce  and  the  service,"  in  Annual  Report  of  the  Supervising 
Surgeon  of  the  Marine-Hospital  Service  of  the  United  States,  1874,  p.  128,  note  b. 

6»  Vol.  II.  124. 

61  Diary,  1602-1603.    Translation  in  Bolton,  op.  cit.,  p.  99. 

52  P.  175. 


642  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

THE   SEAMEN   OF   THE   INDIA   TRADE    ROUTE 

Trade  between  Spain  and  America  (called  India  in  those  days) 
during  the  colonial  period  was  for  the  most  part  conducted  by 
great  merchant  fleets,  or  flotas,  convoyed  by  one  or  more  vessels 
of  the  royal  armada.  This  precaution  was  necessitated  by  the 
raiding  of  Spanish  commerce  by  foreign  buccaneers,  for  these 
ships  carried  the  coveted  treasures  of  New  Spain,  and  of  the 
Orient,  brought  to  New  Spain  in  the  Manila  galleons.  For  a 
short  time  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  danger 
seemed  least,  all  restrictions  upon  sailings  were  removed,  but  in 
1555  the  flotas  were  restored.  There  were  two  main  fleets,  the 
one  with  ships  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  the  other  bound  for  the 
ports  on  the  north  coast  of  South  America.  Vera  Cruz  and 
Porto  Bello  were  the  destination  ports  which  served  the  Mexican 
and  Peruvian  trade. 

Commerce  with  America  was  a  monopoly  in  the  hands  of  the 
merchants  of  Seville,  Spain,  organized  into  the  Universidad  de  los 
Mareantes.  This  organization  resembled  the  English  gild  mer- 
chants, in  that  boats  wains,  mates,  and  mariners,  as  well  as  owners, 
masters,  and  pilots,  were  included  in  the  membership.  The  mari- 
ners, however,  were  not  allowed  to  hold  office,  nor  to  vote,  but 
received  certain  privileges,  of  which  more  will  be  said  later. 

There  was  much  variation  in  the  composition  of  the  flotas 
and  the  size  of  the  ships.  Five  hundred  and  fifty  tons  were 
decreed  as  the  maximum  allowed  on  the  India  route,  but  the 
difficulty  of  crossing  the  bar  at  San  Lucar,  in  Spain,  kept  the 
usual  size  down  to  more  nearly  100  or  200  tons. 

The  manning  scale  of  vessels  in  the  India  trade  fixed  by  the 
Ordinance  of  July  14,  1522,  required  that  every  vessel  of  100 
tons  burden  must  carry  at  least  fifteen  mariners  (or  able  seamen), 
8  grummets  (ordinary  or  apprentice  seamen),  and  three  ship's 
boys.53  In  4552  the  scale  was  raised  somewhat,  and  declared  to 
be  as  follows:54. 

M  Clarence  Henry  Haring,  Trade  and  Navigation  between  Spain  and  the  Indies 
in  the  time  of  the  Hapsburgs  (Cambridge,  1918),  p.  272.  Hereafter  cited  as  Haring. 

14  Manuscript  collection  of  Martin  Fernandez  de  Navarrete,  4  voJs.  (Hydro- 
graphic  Office,  Madrid,  1601-15).  XXI.  No.  30,  cited,  Haring,  p.  274. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  643 

Size  of  Ship  Mariners  Apprentices  Boys 

100-170  Tons                    18                         8  2 

170-220     "                       28                       12  4 

220-320     "                       35                       15  5 

The  merchant  ships  went  armed,  even  to  the  mariners  and 
passengers.55  And  it  was  required  that  all  mariners  in  the  India 
route  should  be  trained  in  artillery  practice  and  regulations,  and 
be  examined  upon  the  results  of  their  training.56 

Foreign  mariners  (except  from  the  Levant)57  were  prohibited 
from  sailing  in  the  India  fleets.58  And  on  the  other  hand,  because 
of  the  scarcity  of  Spanish  seamen,  Spaniards  were  forbidden 
to  sail  in  foreign  vessels,  unless  those  ships  should  be  in  the  service 
of  the  India  trade,  in  which  case  they  must  be  manned  by  Span- 
iards. The  penalty  for  breach  of  this  law  was  four  years'  service 
in  the  galleys.59  Only  in  case  of  absolute  necessity  were  mari- 
ners to  be  enlisted  in  the  Indies,  and  then,  upon  selection  of  the 
best  by  examination,  only  enough,  and  no  more,  were  to  be 
chosen.60 

When  it  came  time  to  enlist  sailors,  the  general  (or  admiral) 
set  up  his  standard.  To  this  standard  men  came  to  be  examined, 
and  enrolled  if  found  fit.  No  one  was  to  be  shipped  as  an  able 
seaman  who  had  not  served  three  years  apprenticeship  as  a 

65  Recopilacion  de  leyes  de  los  reynos  de  las  Indias,  3  vols .  (Madrid,  1791 ).  Titulo 
XXX,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XXXII.  Hereafter  cited  as,  Recopilacion. 

5«  Ibid.,  Titulo  XXII,  Libro  IX,  Leyes  XIII,  XIV,  and  XX. 

67  Ibid.,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XIII. 

™Ibid.,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XII.  Haring,  p.  261,  citing  Encinas, 
Provisiones,  cedulas,  capitulos  de  ordenancas,  4  vols.  (Madrid,  1596),  I.  459,  461r 
says  that  the  prohibition  "soon  broke  down.  A  royal  decree  of  January,  1590, 
admitted  any  stranger  of  Roman  faith,  save  only  the  English;  another  of  April, 
1595,  admitted  as  masters  or  pilots  in  the  New  Spain  fleet  all  but  the  English, 
French,  and  Dutch;  and  similar  decrees  are  frequent  in  the  first  half  of  the  following 
century."  Of  Haring's  statement  the  writer  finds  no  support  in  the  Recopilacidn. 
On  the  contrary,  and  apparently  in  contradiction,  Ley  XII,  cited  immediately 
above,  which  debars  foreigners,  was  promulgated  in  1553,  and  reiterated  in  1609 
and  1631.  Of  course  it  is  well  known  that  Spanish  laws  and  decrees  for  the  New 
World  were  often  more  honored  in  the  breach  than  in  the  observance. 

59  Recopilacion,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XV. 

"  Ibid.,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XIX. 


644  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

grummet.61  Sailors  had  to  be  between  twenty  and  fifty  years  of 
age.62  Care  had  to  be  taken  not  to  enlist  passengers  as  mariners 
or  grummets  for  this  was  a  favorite  method  of  evading  the  emigra- 
tion laws;63  nor  were  mariners  to  be  enrolled  as  soldiers,  for  the 
former  were  none  too  plentiful.64  On  the  ship's  register  was  entered 
the  man's  name,  age,  identification  marks,  place  of  birth,  and  his 
father's  name;  also  the  man's  rating,  or  capacity  in  which  he  was 
to  serve,  together  with  his  rate  of  pay,  and  the  day.65 

Sailors  were  bound  to  give  security  that  they  would  serve  and 
earn  their  pay,  and  take  an  oath  of  obligation.66  But  his  Catholic 
majesty  Philip  II,  in  1582,  decreed  that  no  pay  or  rations  were 
to  be  given  a  sailor  unless  he  could  produce  a  certificate  from  one 
of  the  religious  that  he  had  been  at  confession.67 

When  a  mariner  was  under  contract  to  serve  one  master,  it 
was  illegal  for  him  to  contract  to  serve  another.  If  he  did  so, 
the  penalty  was  double  the  amount  of  salary  he  would  have 
earned,  and  twenty  days  in  prison.  The  master  who  enticed 
him  away  knowingly,  was  also  punished.68 

In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  a  gild  of  merchants 
engaged  in  the  India  trade  was  organized  in  Seville.  A  little 
later  a  hospital  was  founded  for  mariners  who  fell  sick  from  the 
India  voyage,  or  working  aboard  ship.  In  1569  the  gild  and 
hospital  united  as  the  Universidad  de  los  Mareantes,  with  the  all 
inclusive  membership  before  enumerated.69  Certain  privileges 
were  granted  to  the  umversidad  by  the  king.  Those  which 
included  the  mariners  are  given  by  Stevens  as  follows: 

61  Enemas,  op.  cit.,  IV.  152,  cited,  Haring,  p.  277. 

6Z  Jose  de  Veitia  Linaje,  Norte  de  la  contratacion  de  las  Indias  Occidentals, 
2  vols.  in  1  (Sevilla,  1672).  This  work  was  made  use  of  in  the  translation  and 
synopsis,  Stevens,  The  Spanish  rule  of  trade  to  the  West-Indies  (London,  1702),  p. 
166.  Hereafter  cited  as  Stevens. 

M  Ibid.,  p.  45. 

64  Recopilacidn,  Titulo  XVI,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XII. 

65  Stevens,  pp.  166,  187,  188. 
w  Ibid.,  p.  166. 

6T  Ibid.,  p.  184. 

"  Recopilacidn,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XVIII. 

•*  Haring,  pp.  319,  320. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW   WORLD  645 

.  .  .  That  two  hundred  Ducats  per  Month  be  distributed  among 
the  Sailors  of  every  Galeon  [and  ship  of  the  armada  and  flota],  above 
their  Pay,  so  that  no  one  receive  above  four  Crowns,  and  that  all  those 
who  serve  in  the  India  voyage  shall  be  rewarded  according  to  the  ser- 
vice they  do.  8.  That  those  who  do  not  furnish  good  Provisions, 
for  the  Armada's  and  Flota's,  shall  be  punish'd.  9.  That  the  Admirals 
do  not  suffer  the  Sailors  to  be  abus'd.  10.  That  Sailors  serving  aboard 
the  Armada's  and  Flota's,  be  exempt  from  Town  Offices,  if  they  think 
fit.  11.  That  no  Quarters  [for  troops]  be  taken  up  in  the  Houses  of 
such  as  serve  in  the  India  Voyage.  .  .  .  That  a  Seaman,  who  has 
serv'd  20  Years,  enjoy  for  ever  after  these  Privileges,  tho'  he  follow 
not  the  Sea.70 

Besides,  mariners  were  free  from  arrest  for  debt.71  The  royal 
arm  also  stretched  out  to  protect  the  sailors  from  the  extortions 
practiced  upon  them  by  the  people  of  Vera  Cruz.  To  check  this 
evil  it  was  ordered  that  prices  should  be  no  higher  to  men  of  the 
fleet  than  to  the  inhabitants.72 

Judge  Peters  in  1807  declared  that  the  Spaniards  were  "the 
most  unkind,  and  indeed  unjust,  to  their  sick  mariners  of  any 
people;  for  they  neither  pay  them  any  wages  nor  maintain  them. 
.  .  ,"73  The  mariners  of  the  India  trade  thus  apparently 
had  an  advantage  over  other  sailors  of  Spain,  in  that  they  were 
entitled  to  the  privileges  of  the  hospital  provided  by  the  Uni- 
versidad  at  Seville. 

The  ordinary  daily  ration  for  each  person  in  1534  was  one  and 
one-half  pounds  of  bread,  two  pints  of  drinking  water  and  another 
for  bathing,  and  two  pints  of  wine.74  Salt  pork,  fish,  beans  and 
peas,  oil,  vinegar,  rice  and  sometimes  cheese  and  beef  were  also 
part  of  the  ration.75  In  1665  the  allowance  in  the  Windward 
Flota  was  as  follows: 

70  Stevens,  pp.  225, 226. 

71  Ibid.,  p.  184. 

72  Ibid. 

73  Laberinto  de  Comer  do,  lib.  tertio,  cap.  Navigantis,  numero  18,  cited, 
Richard  Peters,  Admiralty  decisions,  2  vols.  (Philadelphia,  1807),  I.  Appendix, 
cvii. 

74  Haring,  p.  273. 
7*  Ibid.,  p.  278. 


646  THE  HISPANIC  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

Biscuit 24 . 0    ounces 

Water 4.5    pints 

Bocallao,  or  Poor-Jack 8.0    ounces 

Beans  and  Peas 2.0    ounces 

Oil 1.5    ounces 

Vinegar 0. 15  pint 

Wine 0.75  pint 

This  was  the  ration  for  four  days  in  the  week.  The  other  three, 
instead  of  fish,  beans  and  peas,  eight  ounces  of  bacon,  an  ounce 
and  a  half  of  rice,  and  a  small  portion  of  cheese  was  substituted.76 
When  rations  were  cut,  sailors  were  entitled  to  an  indemnifi- 
cation called  "pinch  gut  money".  In  order  to  avoid  the  payment 
of  this,  if  possible,  the  Casa  de  Contratacion,  or  India  House  of 
Trade,  issued  this  precautionary  order: 

,  .  .  that  provisions  be  not  shortened  without  evident  necessity, 
because  it  has  happened  that  a  great  quantity  of  Provisions  has  by 
these  means,  been  brought  into  Port,  where  the  Bisket  is  sold  for  the 
fifth  part  of  its  value,  which  is  a  very  great  loss.77 

Until  late  in  the  sixteenth  century  at  least,  sailors  were  hired 
on  shares.  The  owner  of  the  ship  and  the  sailors  each  chose  a 
representative  to  make  the  settlement  at  the  end  of  the  voyage. 
The  amount  of  the  freight  was  computed.  Then  they  deducted 
the  amount  paid  for  the  convoy  service,  and  two  and  one-half 
per  cent  for  distribution  as  a  bounty  among  sailors  and  grummets 
who  had  rendered  extraordinary  service.  Of  the  remainder,  two 
thirds  went  to  the  owner.  The  remaining  third  was  apportioned 
among  the  crew  on  the  basis  of  a  whole  share  to  each  able  bodied 
seaman,  two  thirds  of  a  share  to  each  grummet,  and  a  fourth 
to  each  boy.78 

Later,  sailors  shipped  for  agreed  wages,  but  seem  still  to  have 
been  allowed  to  carry  a  limited  amount  of  goods  as  a  private 
investment.  To  each  mariner  was  alloted  thirty-four  jars  of 
wine  as  his  share,  and  to  each  grummet  ten  jars.79 

76  Stevens,  pp.  206,  207. 

77  Ibid.,  p.  174. 
™Ibid.,  pp.222,  223. 

7»  Recopilacidn,  Titulo  XXI,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XIII. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN  THE   NEW  WORLD  647 

Sailors,  grummets,  and  boys  were  entitled  to  four  months' 
advance  wages  when  enlisted.  To  prevent  desertion,  no  pay  was 
to  be  given  in  the  Indies,80  unless  a  certificate  could  be  presented 
proving  that  the  seaman  had  remained  on  account  of  illness,  or 
other  legitimate  excuse,  which  prevented  him  from  returning 
on  the  same  vessel  in  which  he  came.81  Among  the  crew  of  each 
vessel  in  the  India  trade,  200  ducats  above  the  regular  pay  was 
to  be  distributed  as  a  reward  for  meritorious  service.82  If  the 
men  were  not  paid  promptly  within  three  days  of  when  pay  was 
due,  the  master  was  liable  to  arrest,  and  for  each  day's  delay, 
every  sailor  was  entitled  to  two  reals,  every  grummet  to  a  real 
and  a  half,  and  every  boy,  one  real.83 

The  conditions  of  life  aboard  the  India  ships  were  much  the 
same  as  elsewhere  among  Spanish  seamen  in  the  New  World.  The 
ships  were  filthy,  crowded,  often  unseaworthy,  and  inadequately 
manned.  The  prevalence  of  shipwreck  was  frightful,  and 
buccaneers  abounded.  The  profits  were  between  200  and  300 
per  cent,  but  the  casualties  also  were  enormous. 

The  principal  disciplinary  offenses  were  blasphemy,  gambling, 
immorality,  desertion,  and  crime.  It  was  forbidden  for  any 
sailor  to  go  ashore  at  the  Azores  under  penalty  of  200  lashes  and 
ten  years  in  the  galleys.84  Sometimes  mariners  deserted  before 
the  ships  left  Spain.85  But  desertion  in  the  Indies  was  the  most 
strictly  prohibited,  as  it  was  the  more  common  also,  since  many 
came  as  seamen  to  evade  the  emigration  laws. 

Permission  to  go  ashore  in  the  Indies  was  hedged  about  with 
restrictions,  and  every  effort  was  made  to  ascertain  and  punish 
such  as  planned  to  desert.  Guards  were  posted  on  the  Porto 
Bello-Panama  road  to  catch  fugitives.  India  officials  and  com- 
manders of  ships  were  ordered  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  appre- 
hend and  proceed  against  deserters,  and  those  who  gave  them 
refuge.  Some  seamen  who  wished  to  remain  in  the  Indies  sought 

80  Stevens,  pp.  183,  184. 

«  Recopilacidn,  Titulo  XXI,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XLVI. 

vibid.,  Titulo  XXV,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XXII. 

83  Stevens,  p.  48. 

•* Ibid.,  p.  176. 

«5  Recopilaeidn,  Titulo  XXXIII,  Libro  IX,  Ley  XX 


648  THE   HISPANIC  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

immunity  from  capture  by  flight  to  the  altar  and  other  sacred 
places.  Thereupon  the  king  promulgated  a  law  against  such 
immunity,  and  ordered  that  such  deserters  should  be  taken  from 
the  altar  and  returned  to  Spain.86 

These  were  the  conditions  under  which  Spanish  sailors  lived 
and  labored.  If  Spanish  officials  complained  of  the  scarcity  of 
mariners,  the  cause  of  the  scarcity  is  readily  to  be  found  in  the 
conditions  which  prevailed  in  the  calling. 

THE   MERCHANT   SEAMEN  OF  THE    PACIFIC 

The  discovery  of  a  return  route  from  the  Philippines  to  Mexico 
by  Urdaneta  in  1565  made  possible  for  the  first  time  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  direct  trade  route  across  the  Pacific  Ocean.  A 
regular  trade  was  soon  opened  between  Manila  and  Spain,  by 
way  of  Mexico.  The  Pacific  commerce  was  restricted  to  one  or 
two  annual  galleons  sailing  between  Manila  and  Acapulco,  in 
Mexico.  These  Manila  galleons,  as  they  were  called,  were  fitted 
out  at  royal  expense  and  commanded  by  a  royal  officer.  In 
size  they  ranged  from  small  pinks87  to  galleons  of  2000  tons,88 
but  the  more  usual  size,  when  there  were  two  annual  ships,  was 
not  larger  than  500  tons,  carrying  crews  averaging  about  115 
men.89  The  last  galleon  sailed  from  Manila  in  1811,  and  re- 
turned in  1815.  The  commerce  then  fell  into  private  hands,  and 
the  ports  of  San  Bias,  Guayaquil,  and  Callao  were  opened  to 
engage  in  it.90 

"  Ibid.,  Titulo  IV,  Libro  I,  Ley  III. 

87  Domingo  Fernandez  Navarrete,  An  account  of  the  empire  of  China.  Trans- 
lation in  [Churchill,  Awnsham]  comp.,  A  collection  of  voyages  and  travels  (London, 
1752),  I.  1-311.  Seep.  213. 

"  Admiral  Sir  Samuel  Cornish,  to  Cleveland,  Manila  Bay,  November  10,  1762. 
In  Blair  and  Robertson,  XLIX,  57-59.  See  p.  58. 

19  Antonio  Jose  Alvarez  de  Abreu,  Extracto  historial  del  expediente  que  pende  en 
el  consejo  real,  g  supremo  de  las  Indias,  a  instancia  de  la  ciudad  de  Manila,  y  demds 
de  las  Islas  Philipinas,  sobre  la  forma  en  que  se  ha  de  hacer,  y  continuar  el  comercio, 
y  contratacion  de  los  texidos  de  China  en  Nueva-Espana  (Madrid  1736).  Transla- 
tions of  parts  of  this  work  are  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XLIV.  227-312,  and  XLV. 
29-88.  See  XLIV.  279. 

90  Edward  Gaylord  Bourne,  Historical  introduction  in  Blair  and  Robertson, 
1.66. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  649 

There  was  some  trade  on  the  Pacific  from  the  earliest  days  of 
the  conquest,  between  Mexico  and  Peru,  but  it  was  restricted  to 
an  annual  galleon,  and  during  some  periods,  prohibited  altogether. 
The  annual  supply  ships  from  San  Bias  to  Alta  California  were 
not  for  commercial  purposes.  Both  routes  were  insignificant  in 
comparison  to  the  Manila-Acapulco  line. 

The  voyage  to  Manila  ordinarily  required  from  seventy-five 
to  ninety  days,  but  the  return  to  Acapulco  usually  took  from 
seven  to  nine  months,  owing  to  the  necessity  of  sailing  northward 
beyond  the  belt  of  trade  winds  into  the  westerlies.91  America 
was  approached  in  the  latitude  of  Cape  Mendocino;  then  the 
galleons  turned  southward,  and  sailed  along  the  California  coast 
down  to  Acapulco.  By  a  renowned  traveler  who  made  the 
voyage  to  Mexico  in  1697,  it  was  characterized  as 

the  longest,  and  most  dreadful  of  any  in  the  world;  as  well  because  of 
the  vast  ocean  to  be  cross'd,  being  almost  the  one  half  of  the  terraque- 
ous globe,  with  the  wind  always  a-head;  as  for  the  terrible  tempests 
that  happen  there,  one  upon  the  back  of  another,  and  for  the  desperate 
diseases  that  seize  people,  in  seven  or  eight  months  lying  at  sea,  some 
times  near  the  line,  sometimes  cold,  sometimes  temperate,  and  some- 
times hot,  which  is  enough  to  destroy  a  man  of  steel,  much  more  flesh 
and  blood,  which  at  sea  had  but  indifferent  food.92 

The  crews  which  manned  the  galleons  were  composed  chiefly 
of  Spaniards  and  Filipinos  (Indians,  as  they  were  called).  The 
Spaniards  were  the  sailors,  or  mariners,  corresponding  to  what 
we  know  as  able  seamen.  The  Indians  were  rated  as  common 
seamen,  corresponding  to  a  lower  rating  such  as  our  ordinary 
seamen.  Spaniards,  too,  sometimes  sailed  as  common  seamen, 
but  their  wage  was  very  much  higher  than  Indian  seamen  of  the 
same  rating.93  The  difference  in  wage,  however,  was  not  based 
upon  difference  of  ability,  for  the  seamanship  of  the  natives  was 

91  Ibid.,  Blair  and  Robertson,  I.  65. 

92  Giovanni  Francesco  Gemelli  Cared,  A  voyage  round  the  world.    Translation 
in  Churchill,  supra,  IV .    1-658.    See  p .  453 . 

93  Sebastian    Hurtado    de     Corcuera,    Reformacion    de    suelos  y  raciones, 
September  4,  1635.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXVI.  198-215.    See 
p.  206. 


650  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

universally  accorded  high  praise.  Viana's  description  is  as 
follows : 

.  .  .  There  is  not  an  Indian  in  those  islands  who  has  not  a  remark- 
able inclination  for  the  sea;  nor  is  there  at  present  in  all  the  world  a 
people  more  agile  in  manoeuvers  on  ship  board,  or  who  learn  so  quickly 
nautical  terms  and  whatever  a  good  mariner  ought  to  know.  Their 
disposition  is  most  humble  in  the  presence  of  a  Spaniard,  and  they  show 
him  great  respect;  but  they  can  teach  many  of  the  Spanish  mariners 
who  sail  in  these  seas.  .  .  There  is  hardly  an  Indian  who  has  sailed 
the  seas  who  does  not  understand  the  mariner's  compass,  and  therefore 
on  this  [Acapulco]  trade-route  there  are  some  very  skilful  and  dextrous 
helmsmen.  Their  disposition  is  cowardly,  but,  when  placed  on  a  ship, 
from  which  they  cannot  escape,  they  fight  with  spirit  and  courage.94 

Common  seamen  could  be  secured  without  difficulty,  the 
natives  being  ready  to  volunteer  in  spite  of  the  great  risks  and 
hardships  of  the  voyage.95  But  with  many  of  them,  shipping  as 
seamen  was  merely  the  chance  to  escape  from  captivity  or  worse 
conditions  in  the  Islands.  Once  in  Mexico  they  deserted  and 
remained  there.96  With  the  Spanish  sailors,  conditions  were 
somewhat  different.  Appeals  were  continually  sent  from  Manila 
to  the  king,  asking  for  more  sailors,  who  were  sent  out  from 
Spain  to  Mexico,  where  they  boarded  the  galleon  for  the  Philip- 
pines.97 And  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  provide  additional 
payment  for  sailors,  by  increasing  the  allowance  of  goods  carried 

94  Francisco  Leandro  de  Viana,  Demonstracion  del  misero  deplorable  estado  de 
las  Islas  Philipinas,  Manila,  February  10,  1765.     Translation  in  Blair  and  Robert- 
son, XLVIII.    197-338.    See  p.  301. 

95  Pedro  de  San  Pablo,  O.  S.  F.,  Advirtio  qve  invia  a  su  magd.  Fr.  Po.  de  sant 
Pablo  Predicador  y  ministro  Prouincial  de  la  Proua.  de  st  Grego.  Dilao,  August  7, 
1620.     Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XIX.  71-76.     See  p.  74. 

96  Captain  Sebastian  de  Pineda,  Relacion  hecha  por  el    .     .    en  cosas  tocan- 
tes  a  las  yslas  filipinas  ainsi  de  fabricas  de  galeones  pataches  y  galeras  y  otros 
pertechos  como  de  cosas  tocantes  a  la  guarda  y  conserbacion  de  dichas  yslas. 
[Mexico,  1619?]  -  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  169-188.    See  p.  183. 

97  Dr.  Santiago  de  Vera,  Copia  de  carta  del  governador  de  Filipinas  al  Arzo- 
bispo  de  Megico,  Manila,  June  20,  1585.  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson, 
VI. 66-75.  See  p. 72.  And,  Diego  Aduarte,  O.P.,HistoriadelaprovinciadelSancto 
Rosario  de  la  Orden  de  Predicadores  en  Philipinas,  lapon,  y  China  (Manila,  1640) . 
Translations  of  the  essential  parts  of  this  work,  with  synopses  of  those  parts 
omitted,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXX.,  XXXI.,  and  XXXII.  See  XXX.  203. 


SPANISH  SEAMEN   IN   THE   NEW   WORLD  651 

as  private  investment,  in  order  to  encourage  Spanish  seamen  to 
enter  the  Acapulco  trade.98  In  1724  hardly  one  third  of  the 
men  aboard  the  galleon  were  of  Spanish  birth."  Yet  notwith- 
standing the  scarcity  of  Spanish  mariners,  foreign  sailors  were 
barred  from  the  South  Sea  by  royal  decree  in  1572.100 

The  sailors  of  the  galleons  were  a  rough  class  of  men,  discon- 
tented,101 living  hard,  hazardous  lives,  and  dying  in  poverty  and 
discomfort.102  They  were  variously  described  by  men  of  the 
time  as  "the  poor  sailors  in  the  continual  dangers  of  their  fearful 
duty";103  as  "a  class  of  men  who  lack  pity,  and  have  too  much 
greed";104  and  as  "an  ungodly  people,  guilty  of  sins  of  the  flesh 
as  well  as  other  offenses,  who  know  naught  except  to  commit 
offenses  against  those  with  whom  they  deal".105  Doubtless  the 
descriptions  fitted  the  subject.  Los  Rios  submitted  as  one  of 
his  recommendations  to  the  king 

.  .  .  That  slave  women  be  not  conveyed  in  the  ships,  by  which 
many  acts  offensive  to  God  will  be  avoided.  Although  that  is  pro- 
hibited by  your  royal  decree,  and  it  is  also  entrusted  to  the  arch- 
bishop to  place  upon  them  the  penalty  of  excommunication  and  to 
punish  them,  this  evil  has  not  been  checked;  and  many  sailors — and 

98  Dr.  Santiago  de  Vera,  Carta  del  Presidente  de  la  Audiencia  de  Filipinas> 
Manila,  July  13,  1589.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  VII.  83-94.    See 
pp.  87,  88.    See  also  Alvarez  de  Abreu,  op.  cit.,  Blair  and  Robertson,  XLIV.  307. 

99  Alvarez  de  Abreu,  loc.  cit. 

100  Stevens,  p.  253. 

101  Licientiate  Andre's  de  Alcarez  [Letter  to  Felipe  III.],  Manila,  August  10, 
1617.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.    31-56.    See  p.  36. 

10S  Licientiate  Caspar  de  Ayala,  Carta  del  .  .  fiscal  de  la  Audiencia  de 
Filipinas,  Manila.  July  15,  1589.  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  VII. 
112-136.  See  p.  125. 

103  Andres  de  San  Nicolas,  Recollect,  Historia  general  de  los  religiosos  descalzos 
del  Orden  de  los  Ermitanos  del  gran  Padre  y  Doctor  de  la  Iglesia  San  Avgvstin,  de  la 
congregacion  de  Espana,  y  de  las  Indias  (Madrid,  1664) .    Translation  of  the  parts 
relating  to  the  Philippines  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXI.  111-185.    See  p.  183. 

104  Casimiro  Diaz,  O.S.A.,  Conquistasdelaslslas  Filipinas     .     .     .     (Vallado- 
lid,  1890).    Translations  and  synopses  of  excerpts  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXV. 
151-200;  XXIX.  259-276;  XXXVII.  149-284;  XLI.  294-296;  XLII.  117-312;  XLV. 
170-173.    See  XXXVII.  212. 

105  Miguel  de  Benavides,  O.P.,  Carta  del  obispo  de  Nueva  Segovia  que  trata  del 
estado  de  Manila,  Tulac,  May  17,  1599.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  X. 
190-197.    See  p.  194. 


652  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

even  others,  who  should  furnish  a  good  example — take  slave  women  and 
keep  them  as  concubines.106 

The  Indian  seamen  who  deserted  at  Acapulco,  although  married 
in  the  Islands,  did  not  hesitate  to  remarry  in  Mexico.107  On  the 
Espiritu  Santo  in  1618,  seventy-five  Indians  came  as  common 
seamen,  but  not  more  than  five  returned.'08 

In  the  Philippines,  the  king  encouraged  the  marriage  of  poor 
Spanish  sailors  with  native  women,  and  interested  himself  in  the 
provision  of  dowries  for  the  Indian  women  for  this  very  purpose.109 
His  Catholic  majesty  also  found  it  necessary  to  establish  hospi- 
tals, and  provide  physicians  and  care  for  both  Indian  and  Spanish 
sailors  and  seamen,  whose  poverty  was  such  that  they  could  not 
provide  for  themselves.  Said  the  king  in  his  instructions  to  the 
governor  of  the  Philippines, 

.  .  .  I  have  been  told  that  .  .  .  both  of  them  suffer  extreme 
need;  .  .  .  Both  classes  die  in  discomfort,  through  having  no 
building  in  which  to  be  protected  from  the  ravages  of  the  climate,  and 
through  the  lack  of  beds,  food,  medicines,  nurses,  and  other  necessities.110 

Such  was  the  type,  and  status  of  the  men  who  manned  the 
galleons. 

Very  early  it  was  decreed  that  sailors  and  common  seamen 
should  be  examined  before  enlisting  to  determine  their  fitness  for 
the  duties  at  sea.111  This  proved  to  be  necessary  for  the  reason 
that  often  as  many  as  half  those  listed  as  sailors  on  the  galleon 
were  not  sailors  at  all,  but  persons  who  had  secured  the  position 
through  favoritism  in  order  to  gain  passage,  and  to  share  in  a 

105  Hernando  de  los  Rios  Coronel,  [Reforms  needed  in  the  Philippines],  (Madrid 
1619?) .  Translations  of  two  documents  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII .  289-309, 
and  XVIII.  309-342.  See  XVIII.  300,301. 

107  Pineda,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  184. 

108  Ibid. 

109  Felipe  II,  Ynstruccion  a  Gomez  Perez  Dasmarinas,  San  Lorenzo,  August  9, 
1589.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  VII.  141-172.    See  p.  157. 

110  Ibid.,  VII.  143,  144. 

11  Felipe  II,  and  Felipe  III,  [Laws  regarding  navigation  and  commerce.], 
June  14,  1583-July  25,  1609.  Translation  of  excerpts  in  Blair  and  Robertson, 
XXV.  23-37;  XVII.  27-50.  See  Law  XL,  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVII.  36. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN  THE   NEW  WORLD  653 

profitable  trade.112  And  natives  from  the  interior,  ignorant  of 
the  art  of  sailing,  were  often  enrolled  and  shipped  by  the  factor.113 

The  pay  received  by  sailors  in  1635  was  reported  to  be  150 
pesos  per  year  and  30  gantas  of  cleaned  rice  per  month  for  sailors; 
Spanish  common  seamen  received  100  pesos  and  30  gantas  of 
rice;  Indian  common  seamen  received  48  pesos  and  15  gantas  of 
rice.114  In  1637  wages  were  higher,  sailors  receiving  175  pesos  and 
common  seamen  60  and  one  half  pesos.115  Gemelli  Careri  in 
1697  gave  sailors'  wages  as  350  pieces  of  eight  for  voyage  from 
Manila  to  Acapulco  and  return.  Seventy-five  pieces  of  eight 
were  paid  at  Cavite  as  advance  pay,  which  was  customary;  but 
to  prevent  desertion  at  Acapulco,  and  insure  return  to  Manila, 
the  remaining  275  pieces  of  eight  were  not  paid  until  the  return, 
for  as  Gemelli  Careri  said,  "if  they  had  half,  very  few  would 
return  to  the  Philippine  islands  for  the  rest".116 

But  it  was  found  that  wages  alone  were  inadequate.  A  royal 
decree  had  declared  that  seamen  should  carry  no  more  boxes  or 
clothing  than  indispensably  necessary,  for  the  reason  that  they 
unduly  cumbered  the  ships.  In  the  boxes  of  course  was  mer- 
chandise carried  as  a  private  investment.117  But  officials  in  the 
Philippines  protested  that  wages  were  insufficient  incentive,  that 
greater  zeal  and  willingness  to  render  loyal  service  would  be 
secured  if  the  men  had  a  stake  in  the  treasure  ships,  and  that 
more  Spaniards  would  be  brought  into  the  service  of  the  Acapulco 
trade.118  Accordingly  permission  was  granted  to  carry  small 
amounts,  the  exact  amount  to  be  allowed  being  a  bone  of  con- 

113  Los  Rios,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  298. 
113/fa'd.,  pp.299,  300. 

114  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXVI.  206. 

115  Juan  Grau  y  Monfalcon,  Memorial  informatorio  al  rey  nuestro  senor  en  sv 
real  y  svpremo  conseio  de  las  Indias.     .     .     .    Sobre  las  pretensiones  de  aqvella 
comercio  con  la  A  ueva  Espana  (Madrid,  1637) .    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robert- 
son, XXVII.  55-212.    Seep.  130. 

116  Gemelli  Careri,  op.  cit.,  in  Churchill,  IV.  463. 

117  Felipe  II,  and  Felipe  III,  supra,  Law  LII,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVII. 
48,  49. 

113  Licientiate  Crist6bal  Tellez  de  Almazen,  Carta  de  la  Audiencia,  Manila, 
July  6,  1606.  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XIV.  140-148.  See  p.  145. 
Also,  Alvarez  de  Abreu,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XLIV.  271,  307. 


654  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

tention  between  Philippine  officials,  who  sought  to  raise  it,  and 
Spanish  officials,  who  sought  to  lower  it.119 

But  even  with  a  fixed  rate  of  wages,  and  permission  to  carry 
goods  for  investment  on  his  own  account,  the  pay  of  the  sailor 
was  by  no  means  certain.  In  1589  one  of  the  Philippine  officials 
wrote  to  the  king  of  grave  evils  existing  in  this  matter. 

.  .  .  They  should  be  paid  in  Nueva  Espana  as  this  treasury  is  too 
poor.  As  the  money  for  their  wages  must  be  sent,  sometimes  it  is  not 
brought,  and  at  other  times  it  is  lost,  thereby  causing  the  sailors  to 
die  of  starvation.  Therefore  the  sailors  serve  half-heartedly,  and  de- 
sert; and  there  is  great  negligence  in  the  dispatch  of  the  fleets.120 

A  decree  in  accord  with  the  recommendation  was  promptly 
issued.121 

Wages  were  not  paid  in  money,  but  by  a  warrant,  or  voucher, 
which  was  supposed  to  be  convertible  into  cash — and  was,  but 
not  when  presented  by  the  sailor.  In  1621  the  archbishop  of 
Manila  wrote  to  the  king  as  follows: 

One  could  not  believe  the  injury  that  is  done  to  the  soldiers  and 
sailors,  and  to  all  the  wage-earners,  by  not  paying  the  vouchers  earned 
by  their  labor  and  sweat;  and  on  the  other  hand,  by  buying  these  for 
much  less  than  their  face  value.  For,  being  rendered  desperate,  they 
sell  vouchers  valued  at  one  thousand  pesos  for  one  hundred,  and  the 
lamentable  thing  is  that,  if  they  did  not  sell  them,  they  would  never  be 
paid.  Scarcely  have  they  sold  the  vouchers  when  they  are  immediately 
paid,  and  the  purchasers  even  take  the  poor  wretches  to  the  office  of 
accounts,  so  they  may  be  present  at  the  payment,  and  that  it  may 
appear  justified,  by  their  saying  that  they  did  it  of  their  own  accord, 
for  which  they  give  a  receipt.  As  it  is  the  price  of  blood,  and  they  see 
that  others  take  that  price,  it  is  a  grief  and  sorrow  that  cries  to  heaven 
for  redress.  .  .  ,122 

119  Ibid. 

120Dr.  Santiago  de  Vera,  Carta  del  Presidente  de  la  Audiencia  de  Filipinas, 
Manila,  July  13,  1589.  Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  VII.  83-94.  See 
pp.  87,  88. 

121  Ibid.,  marginal  note. 

122  Miguel  Garcia  Serrano,  O.  S.  A.,  Estado  del  Arcobispado  de  Manila  tocante 
a  las  cosas  de  gobierno  eclesiastico  y  segular,  Manila,  July  30,  1621.    Translation 
in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XX.  76-100.    See  p.  96. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN   THE  NEW  WORLD  655 

Fifteen  years  later  this  flagrant  evil  was  unabated,  and  corrup- 
tion continued  to  hold  full  sway.  In  1636  another  letter  to  the 
king  again  recited  the  abuse  as  practiced  by  corrupt  officials. 

As  for  those  poor  men,  they  have  not  been  paid  in  one,  three,  ten, 
or  fifteen  years.  They  sell  their  warrants  during  such  times  for  the 
fourth,  fifth,  or  sixth  part  of  their  face  value;  and  many  have  been  paid 
at  one  hundred  pesos  for  one  thousand.  The  warrants  are  bought 
by  the  servants  of  the  auditors,  royal  officials,  governors,  and  other 
ministers,  and  to  them  is  paid  the  face  value.123 

Besides  the  abuses  which  have  been  mentioned,  the  sailors  were 
subjected  to  petty  annoyances  by  the  collectors  of  port  dues  at 
Acapulco,  who,  when  examining  the  former's  small  chests  and 
wretched  belongings,  "practice  many  extortions  on  them  so  that 
many  refuse  to  return".124 

It  is  evident  that  the  compensations  of  the  sailors  were  uncer- 
tain at  best.  And  when  compared  to  the  100  to  150  per  cent 
profits  commonly  made  by  the  merchants,  and  the  severe  hard- 
ships, petty  annoyances,  and  great  risks  undergone,  one  cannot 
but  conclude  that  the  sailors  and  seamen  were  but  poorly  recom- 
pensed for  their  indispensable  services  in  a  trade  which  yielded 
such  enormous  profits. 

Discipline  aboard  ship  was  enforced  with  severity,  though 
probably  the  Spanish  ships  of  those  days  were  not  worse  than 
aboard  many  American  ships  within  the  memory  of  men  still 
living.  Gambling,  swearing  and  blasphemy,  and  immorality 
were  all  punishable,  as  of  course  mutiny,  desertion,  quarreling, 
and  insubordination.  Putting  men  in  the  bilboes,  ducking  them 
from  the  yard  arm,  keel-hauling,  and  the  lash,  were  well  known 
forms  of  inflicting  punishment.  When  the  sailors  and  seamen 
sought  release  from  discipline  by  going  ashore  at  Acapulco,  and 

123  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  [Letter  on  administrative  and  financial 
affairs.],  Manila,  June  30, 1636.     Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXVI.     150- 
156.    Seep.  151. 

124  Los  Rios,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  301.    See  also  Alonso 
Fajardo  de  Tenza,  [Letter  to  Felipe  III.],  Manila,  August  15,  1620.    Translation 
in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XIX.  90-172.    See  p.  97. 


656  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  REVIEW 

behaved  as  they  pleased,  the  king  extended  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  ship's  officers  to  cover  the  time  while  they  were  in  port.125 

Life  aboard  ship  could  not  have  been  attractive,  except  for 
the  glamor  which  has  always  surrounded  going  to  sea.  Ships 
in  those  days  were  the  antithesis  of  cleanliness.  Rats  and  vermin 
swarmed  over  the  vessel.  The  most  vivid  account  of  the  condi- 
tions comes  from  the  experience  and  pen  of  Gemelli  Careri. 

.  .  .  the  galeon  is  never  clear  of  an  universal  raging  itch,  as  an 
addition  to  all  other  miseries  .  .  .  the  ship  swarms  with  little 
vermine,  the  Spaniards  call  Gorgojos,  bred  in  the  bisket;  so  swift  that 
they  in  a  short  time  not  only  run  over  cabins,  beds,  and  the  very 
dishes  the  men  eat  on,  but  insensibly  fasten  upon  the  body.  .  .  there 
are  several  other  sorts  of  vermin  of  sundry  colours,  that  suck  the 
blood.126 

Besides  these  discomforts,  he,  like  others,  complains  of  the 
"terrible  shocks  from  side  to  side,  caus'd  by  the  furious  beating 
of  the  waves".  The  galleons  were  always  overladen  with  mer- 
chandise, and  the  decks  were  crowded  with  the  chests  of  the 
sailors,  hen-coops,  and  bales  of  goods.  The  very  narrowness  of 
the  quarters  was  distressing,  and  on  one  galleon  at  least,  led  to 
civil  war  which  was  stopped  only  through  the  efforts  of  the 
fathers  who  were  aboard.127 

Provision  for  rations  aboard  ship  was  most  unsystematic  and 
improperly  attended  to.  In  the  first  place,  those  who  furnished 
the  rations  for  the  crew  often  put  in  food  of  poor  quality.128 
Then  also,  the  passengers  and  religious,  who  were  often  numerous, 
consumed  food  provided  for  the  crew.129  Stowaways  were  an 
additional  drain  upon  provisions.130  So  also  were  the  slaves  of 

126  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  [Letter  to  Felipe  IV.],  Cavite,  July  11, 
1636.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXVI.  269-290.    See  pp.  272,  273. 
186  Gemelli  Careri,  op.  cit.,  in  Churchill,  IV.  464. 
m  Aduarte,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXX.  129. 

128  Admiral  Hieronimo  de  Banuelos  y  Carillo,  Relation  de  las  islas  Filipinas 
(Mexico,  1638).    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXIX.  66-85.    See  p.  84. 

129  Recopilacidn  de  leyes,  libro  IX,  titulo  XXVI,  ley  IX,  cited  in  Blair  and 
Robertson,  XVII.  133. 

180  Gregorio  Lopez,  S.  J.,  [Relation  of  1609-1610],  Manila,  July  1,  1610.  Trans- 
lation in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVII.  100-143.  See  p.  133. 


SPANISH  SEAMEN  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD  657 

the  passengers  and  sailors,  who  in  addition  stole  whatever  food 
they  could  lay  hands  upon;131  for  even  the  slaves  who  aided  the 
sailors  in  their  necessities  were  not  provided  for  by  the  king's 
allowance  of  food  and  water.132  For  these  reasons  the  sailors  had 
to  spend  their  wages  buying  provisions  for  themselves  and  their 
slaves.  This  was  often  the  cause  of  overloading  the  ships,  and 
was  responsible  for  failure  to  carry  the  proper  kinds  of  food, 
because  of  which  the  Indian  common  seamen  suffered  most, 
since  they  were  less  used  to  provide  for  themselves  than  the 
Spanish  sailors.133  The  Indians  were  even  permitted  to  die  of 
hunger  and  thirst  aboard  ship  for  lack  of  adequate  provision  and 
care.134  The  various  messes  aboard  stocked  themselves  as  best 
they  could.  Swine,  hens,  fruit,  and  an  abundance  of  greens 
were  put  on  the  deck  until  the  ship  looked  like  a  floating  garden. 

But  these  never  lasted  the  entire  voyage.  If  fish  could  be 
caught  en  route  the  passengers  and  crew  were  fortunate,  for  the 
food  became  corrupted,  and  the  water  gave  out  unless  the 
supply  could  be  replenished  from  the  rainfall. 

Gemelli  Careri,  who  traveled  as  a  cabin  passenger,  gives  the 
most  graphic  account  of  the  hardships  and  fare  aboard  the  gal- 
leon. Eating  at  the  boatswain's  mess,  he  began  with  fresh 
fowl,  but  ere  long  he  found  himself  eating  the  king's  allowance 
of  rations  to  the  men,  of  which  he  gives  us  a  description. 

.  .  .  At  last  he  depriv'd  me  of  the  satisfaction  of  gnawing  a  good 
bisket,  because  he  would  spend  no  more  of  his  own,  but  laid  the  king's 
allowance  on  the  table;  in  every  mouthful  whereof  there  went  down 
abundance  of  maggots  and  Gorgojos  chew'd  and  bruis'd.  On  fish  days 
the  common  diet  was  old  rank  fish  boil'd  in  fair  water  and  salt;  at 
noon  we  had  Mongos,  something  like  kidney  beans,  in  which  there  were 
so  many  maggots,  that  they  swam  at  the  top  of  the  broth,  and  the 
quantity  was  so  great,  that  besides  the  loathing  they  caus'd,  I  doubted 
whether  the  dinner  was  fish  or  flesh.  This  bitter  fare  was  sweeten'd 
after  dinner  with  a  little  water  and  sugar;  yet  the  allowance  was  but  a 
small  cocoa  shell  full,  which  rather  increased  than  quenched  drought. 

111  Los  Rios,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  301. 
"2  Ibid. 

»*Ibid.,  p.  325. 
184  Ibid.,  p.  300. 


658  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

Providence  reliev'd  us  for  a  month  with  sharks  and  Cachorretas  the 
seamen  caught,  which,  either  boil'd  or  broil'd  were  some  comfort.  Yet 
he  is  to  be  pity'd  who  has  another  at  his  table;  for  the  tediousness  of 
the  voyage  is  the  cause  of  all  these  hardships.  'Tis  certain,  they  that 
take  this  upon  them,  lay  out  thousands  of  pieces  of  eight  in  making 
the  necessary  provision  of  flesh,  fowl,  fish,  bisket,  rice,  sweetmeats, 
chocolate,  and  other  things;  and  the  quantity  is  so  great,  that  during 
the  whole  voyage,  they  never  fail  of  sweetmeats  at  table,  and  chocolate 
twice  a  day,  of  which  last  the  sailors  and  grummets  make  as  great  a 
consumption,  as  the  richest.135 

On  solemn  feast  days  an  extra  allowance  of  rations  was  served  out. 
An  interesting  custom,  related  by  Gamelli  Careri,  of  the  Sailor's 
Court  of  Signs  (held  aboard  the  galleon  when  the  first  signs  of 
approach  of  land  appeared),  depicts  a  happier  side  to  the  life  of 
the  sailors. 

.  .  .  A  canopy  being  set  up  for  the  sailors  court  of  Senas,  or  signs, 
after  dinner  the  two  Oydores  or  judges  and  the  president  took  their 
seats,  being  clad  after  a  ridiculous  manner.  They  began  with  the 
captain  of  the  galeon,  chief  pilot,  .  .  .  and  other  officers  of  the 
ship;  and  after  them  proceeded  to  the  trial  of  the  passengers.  The 
clerk  read  every  man's  indictment,  and  then  the  judges  pass'd  sentence 
of  death,  which  was  immediately  bought  off  with  money,  chocolate, 
sugar,  biscuit,  flesh,  sweetmeats,  wine  and  the  like.136 

These  payments  seem  to  have  satisfied  a  turbulent  and  not  too 
well  fed  crew,  who,  were  they  not  appeased,  were  ready  to  inflict 
the  kind  of  punishments  with  which  they  were  most  familiar. 

.  .  .  The  best  of  it  was,  that  he  who  did  not  pay  immediately,  or 
give  good  security,  was  laid  on  with  a  rope's  end  at  the  least  sign  given 
by  the  president-tarpaulin.  I  was  told  a  passenger  was  once  kill'd 
aboard  a  galeon,  by  keelhauling  him; for  no  words  or  authority  can  check 
or  persuade  a  whole  ship's  crew.  .  .  The  sport  lasted  till  night, 
and  then  all  the  fines  were  divided  among  the  sailors  and  grummets, 
according  to  custom.137 

135  Gemelli  Careri,  op.  oil.,  in  Churchill,  IV.  464, 
136 /6id.,  p.  467. 
137  Ibid. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN  THE   NEW  WORLD  659 

This  picture  of  the  Court  of  Signs,  and  others  of  amusements 
for  crew  and  passengers — cockfighting,  plays,  dancing,  and  other 
entertainments — show  that  there  was  a  lighter  side  to  the  life  of 
the  sailor  aboard  ship.  But  from  the  viewpoint  of  today,  the 
balance  seems  to  have  been  all  the  other  way. 

His  very  calling  was  hazardous  in  the  extreme.  It  was  not  at 
all  uncommon  for  men  to  be  washed  overboard  and  drowned  by 
the  huge  waves  which  at  times  swept  over,  and  well-nigh 
submerged  the  small  craft  of  that  day.  More  than  one  galleon 
was  wrecked  and  went  down,  or  was  driven  back  to  Manila  by 
storms  with  half  the  crew  lost.  Then,  too,  the  galleons  often 
sailed  poorly  repaired  through  the  fault  of  the  shore  workers.138 
Pirates  of  all  nations  were  active  in  preying  upon  such  rich 
treasure  ships,  and  the  sailors  and  seamen  might  at  any  time  be 
called  upon  to  defend  the  ship  with  their  lives  against  capture 
by  these  buccaneers  or  sea-dogs. 

A  worse  enemy  of  the  seamen,  particularly  the  Indians,  was 
the  severe  cold  encountered  on  the  voyage.  They  come  from  a 
hot  climate,  and  when,  without  protection,  they  were  exposed 
to  the  severities  of  weather  in  the  higher  latitudes,  they  died  in 
large  numbers.  They  used  to  come  aboard  the  galleon  without 
clothes,  and  until  the  king  provided  clothing  to  be  issued  them 
as  a  protection,  they  had  nothing  to  shelter  them.  They  had  no 
quarters  other  than  the  deck,  often.  Navarrete,  describing  the 
situation  aboard  his  ship  which  was  "not  convenient  nor  big 
enough  to  celebrate  that  high  mystery "  [mass],  said:  "We  had 
hardly  room  to  stand.  No  body  could  live  under  deck,  it  was  so 
full  of  provisions  and  commodities.  All  men  lay  exposed  to  the 
sun  and  air."139 

So  it  happened  that  many  were  frozen  to  death,  or  died  of 
exposure.  The  lot  of  the  Indian  seamen  was  especially  cruel. 
As  Los  Rios  said,  they  were  "treated  like  dogs". 

.     .     .     They  are  embarked  without  clothes  to  protect  them  against 
the  cold,  so  that  when  each  new  dawn  comes  there  are  three  or  four 

138  Los  Rios,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII,  322. 

139  Fernandez  Navarrete,  op.  cit.,  in  Churchill,  1. 213. 


660  THE   HISPANIC   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL   REVIEW 

dead  men.  .  .  besides,  they  are  treated  inhumanly  and  are  not 
given  the  necessaries  of  life,  but  are  killed  with  hunger  and  thirst.  If 
he  were  to  tell  in  detail  the  evil  that  is  done  to  them,  it  would  fill  many 
pages.140 

The  Indians,  however,  were  not  the  only  victims  of  the  cold,  for 
the  sudden  changes  of  climate,  and  exposure  to  wind  and  rain 
worked  great  hardship  among  all  on  board,  and  was  the  cause  of 
much  sickness  and  death.  The  treatment  of  the  sick  was  shame- 
fully neglectful.  Gemelli  Careri  relates  the  callousness  of  the 
captain  of  his  galleon,  whose  personal  profits  from  the  single  trip 
were,  according  to  his  own  estimate,  25,000  or  30,000  pieces  of 
eight : 

.  .  .  Abundance  of  poor  sailors  fell  sick,  being  exposed  to  the  con- 
tinual rains,  cold,  and  other  hardships  of  the  season;  yet  they  were  not 
allow'd  to  taste  of  the  good  bisket,  rice,  fowls,  Spanish  bread  and 
sweetmeats  put  into  the  custody  of  the  master  by  the  king's  order,  to 
be  distributed  among  the  sick;  for  the  honest  master  spent  all  at  his 
own  table.141 

But  the  worst  danger  was  from  disease.  For  three  centuries 
European  navigators  in  the  New  World  were  afflicted  with  the 
scourge  of  scurvy  and  beri-beri,  especially  the  former.  It  was 
Captain  James  Cook,  the  Englishman,  who  first  proved  the  use 
of  lime  juice  as  an  anti-scorbutic,  and  thus  removed  one  of  the 
greatest  hindrances  to  exploration  and  maritime  commerce.  The 
Spanish  navigators  paid  especially  heavy  toll  to  these  diseases, 
the  cause  of  which  was  lack  of  fresh  provisions,  or  food  containing 
vitamines.  Again  we  turn  to  Gemelli  Careri  for  a  description  of 
these  perils: 

.  .  .  There  are  two  dangerous  diseases  in  this  voyage,  more  es- 
pecially as  they  draw  near  the  coast  of  America;  one  is  the  aforesaid 
Berben  [beri-beri],  which  swells  the  body,  and  makes  the  patient  die 
talking:  The  other  is  call'd  the  Dutch  disease,  which  makes  all  the 
mouth  sore,  putrifies  the  gums  and  makes  the  teeth  drop  out.  The 

14e  Los  Rios,  op.  cit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XVIII.  300. 
141  Gemelli  Careri,  op.  cit.,  in  Churchill,  IV.  464. 


SPANISH   SEAMEN   IN   THE   NEW   WORLD  CGI 

best  remedy  against  it,  is  going  ashore.     This  is  no  other,  but  the 
eea-scurvy.142 

The  proportion  of  deaths  among  the  crew  and  passengers  was 
often  enormous.  For  instance,  on  one  vessel  with  400  persons 
aboard,  208  died  before  Acapulco  was  reached.143  On  another, 
the  San  Nicolas,  330  died.144  A  voyage  on  which  only  three 
persons  died  was  regarded  as  most  "propitious".145  Probably 
extremely  few,  if  indeed  any  at  all,  of  the  voyages  from  Manila 
to  America  were  made  without  suffering  to  a  greater  or  less  degree 
from  the  ravages  of  these  diseases.  And  on  most  trips,  the 
sufferings  were  terrible,  and  the  death  list  very  long. 

Small  wonder  then,  that  from  such  a  voyage,  and  such  condi- 
tions, the  survivors  frequently  preferred  to  desert  at  Acapulco 
(or  California,  when  the  galleon  stopped  there),146  rather  than 
return  to  the  Philippines.  Wages  were  paid  only  in  the  Philip- 
pines, and  bonds  were  required  of  sailors  and  seamen  in  the 
endeavor  to  check  the  large  number  of  desertions  in  Mexico.147 

Such  were  the  conditions  which  prevailed  among  seamen 
engaged  in  Spanish  commerce  across  the  Pacific,  a  trade  which 
flourished  for  over  three  centuries. 

PAUL  S.  TAYLOR.148 

University  of  California. 

142  Ibid.,  p.  468. 

143  Pedro  Cubero  Sebastian,  Peregrination  del  Mu-ndo  de.     .     .     (Zaragoza, 
1088),  p.  268.    Quoted,  Blair  and  Robertson,  I.  65,  66,  note  105. 

144  Alonso  Fajardo  de  Tenza,  [Letter  to  the  King.],  Manila,  December  10, 
1621.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XX.  127-155.     See  p.  128. 

145  Diaz,  op  tit.,  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXXVII,  190. 

146  Bancroft,  op.  tit.,  XVIII.  484. 

147  Sebastian  Hurtado  de  Corcuera,  [Letter  to  Felipe  IV.],    Cavite,  July  11, 
1636.    Translation  in  Blair  and  Robertson,  XXVI.  269-290.    See  p.  284. 

148  Acknowledgment  is  gratefully  made  for  the  very  helpful  guidance   and 
criticism  of  Professors  Herbert  Ingram  Priestley  and  Herbert  Eugene  Bolton. 


